The Week.

• eeeded to suggest that , in the absence of the First Lord of the Admiralty from the House , the navy estimates should not be gone on with , nor any vote taken except a vote on account , inasmuch as those estimates showed a great increase , and involved a policy which the House ought to have a better opportunity of discussing . There was rathei a smart discussion on this

suggestion , and in the end Lord Henry Lennox proceeded to make his statement . This he did at considerable length , going over the various items of the estimates , and vindicating the policy which it was proposed bj' the Government should be pursued . No vote , however , was taken . Subsequently the Metropolitan Poor Bill was read a third time and passed , and the

Attorney-Generalintroducedhisnew Bankruptcy Bill . On the lath inst ., in reply to Mr . Taylor , Mr . Walpole had to admit that the Mr- Churchward who has recently been made a magistrate at Dover was tbesame person who was , some years ago , reported to have been concerned in bribery . —On the motion for going into committee of supply , Mr . Hibbert raised a discussion on

the manner in which life sentences on convicts are carried out ! and subsequently there were short debates on the removal of troops from New Zealand , the inaccuracy of Board of Trade returns , loans to Irish railways , flogging in the army , & c . On the 18 th inst ., to hear the Reform statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , the greatest possible anxiety was displayed .

It is stated that never before was such a scene witnessed as that in Westminster Hall yesterday morning . Shortly after midnight people had taken up their stand in Palace-yard , and almost ran over each other , when the doors opened , in their hur-ry to get through Westminster Hall to St . Stephen ' s Hall . During the day the crowding in these halls was very great . Nor was there less anxiety shown by the members of the House to secure seats . At prayers the House was filled , and though

most of the members went out while the private business was being done , they returned before half-past four . At that time every seat except the Treasury bench was occupied ; the galleries were crowded , and a large number of peers were present . The Chancellor of the Exchequer came into the House just before half-past four , aud walked to his place slowly andsolemnly . Hegot

no cheering . Nor when he rose to make his statement was the cheering loud or general . The Ministerialists tried hard to cheer , but there seemed to be no heart in it , and the soundwas notunlike that which an awkward squad of recruits might make if they were suddenly put to volley firing . The Chancellor of the Exchequer , in the beginning , spoke with much clearness and with less

hesitation in his utterance than is usual with him ; but later all the usual faults were there . Throughout there was an appearance of want of earnestness . The laughter and ironical cheering which his statement that the House knew what took place last year created , stopped the progress of the speech , and a similar result followed his declaration that the House last year came to

a decision in favour of a rating franchise by an " unerringinstinct . " The right hon . gentleman , in the beginning of his speech , said the bill of the Government would have in view the bestowal of popular privileges , and not the admission of democratic rights . With this view it was proposed to base the borough franchise in accordance with the decision of last year

on the payment of rates . Any person occupying a house and paying his rates personally would have a vote . There were in the boroughs 1 , 367 , 000 male occupiers , of whom 644 , 000 now were entitled to votes , and of the remainder there were 237 , 000 who paid their own rates , and who would be enfranchised by the bill . The total number of household voters under the bill would be 881 , 000 . The Government did not think compound householders should have a vote in that

capacity , nor should those whose rates were paid under the Small Tenements Act . Two years' residence would be required for the vote to be acquired , and every facility would be accorded to compound householders to get their names on the rate book . He enlarged upon this point , and said the provisions of the bill would enable any compound householder to get a vote if he

deserved it . Then it was proposed that every person who paid 20 s . a year income and assessed taxation should have a vote , and if he were a householder he should have two votes . The direct tax qualification would not admit those who paid for licenses merely . Then there were other qualifications , which , though the Government did not insist upon them , they thought

were of much importance . These were the possession of £ 50 in the funils or £ 50 in the savings bank , together with an educational franchise . The householder , who was also entitled to one of these franchises , would have a second vote . In the counties no person would he allowed to exercise two votes . The county occupation francise would be a £ 15 rating , which would

qualify 171 , 000 additional voters . The four other franchises would also apply to counties , making an addition of probably 300 , 000 voters . The Government adhered to their former Distribution Bill . Mr . Gladstone , followed the Chancellor of the Exchequer , and utterly demolished most of the propositions which had been made . He ridiculed the idea of ratepaying

being the principle of the British Constitution , and declared that dual voting was putting a weapon into the hands of the rich to make war upon the poor . In the subsequent debate , Sir George Bowyer and Mr . Roebuck were among those who gave their support to the bill . Mr . Lowe opposed it on all grounds . On the 19 th inst . several questions were put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer with the view of ascertaining what parts of the Reform Bill were considered bv the Government

to be important . The Chancellor of the Exchequer , however , was not disposed to give the desired information , and simply told the House to wait until the second reading of the bill would be proposed . —The action of Mr . P . A . Taylor , in calling attention to the appointment of Mr . Churchward as a magistrate , has given dire offence to the Tories . They began last night a system of retaliation . Mr . Bagge , for instance ,

wanted to know whether Messrs . Leatham , Watkin , Vanderbyl , and A . Seymour , members of that House , were the same gentlemen wdio had been reported guilty of bribery at Totnes , Wakefield , and Yarmouth . The Chancellor of the Exchequer was funny in his reply . Nothing was more common than cases of mistaken identity , and therefore he could give no definite

answer . The names of the gentlemen were the same , hut he could not forget that the members of the House to whom allusion had been made had signalised themselves by denunciations of Tory corruption , and therefore the prima facie evidence was that that they were not the persons reported to have been guilty of bribery . He suggested a select committee to inquire

into the matter . Now all the time this reply was being made , the funny Chancellor of the Exchequer had in his possession the copy of a letter which Mr . Watkin , one of the gentlemen attacked , had written to the Lord Chancellor demanding an official investigation of his conduct , and declaring that he would not act as a magistrate till this inquiry was instituted . Mr _

Watkin stated this fact to the House , but the Chancellor made no apology for not having mentioned the letter . Later Mr . Taylor brought forward the motion of which he had given notice n reference to Mr . Churchward . —Mr . Sheridan brought forward his motion for the reduction of the fire insurance duty , and a short animated discussion ensued . Both Mr . Gladstone and the Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the motion , which