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Article THE WOLSELEY LODGE AND " TEMPERANCE." ← Page 2 of 2 Ad Untitled Page 1 of 1 Article JOAN OF ARC. CONFLICTING TESTIMONY ABOUT HER HAVING BEEN BURNT. Page 1 of 2 →
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software.
The Wolseley Lodge And " Temperance."
the precise object with which it was issued ; nevertheless , they will bear examination . In the first place , he argues there is nothing unusual about the consecration of a new Lodge , that is to say , nothing so unusual as to induce outside brethren to contribute , as in this instance , a
guinea each towards the banquet , and incur the expenses of travelling to and from Manchester in order to witness it . Then he suggests that , as the Wolseley Lodge is to be conducted on " Temperance , " by which he supposes is meant " Teetotal , " principles , perhaps its W . M . Designate
may be " desirous of making the Consecration of his new Lodge an occasion for disseminating ' teetotal principles , ' " and he adds , " If this is the idea which led to the issue of these circulars , I can only say it is distinctly opposed to the spirit of Freemasonry , which absolutely prohibits our
Lodges from being made arenas for the discussion of political and religious questions . " We think our readers will agree with us that no reasonable exception can bo taken to this line of argument . If his conjecture falls through , the argument based on it disappears likewise ; but if the former can be established , the latter follows .
Again , as to the issue of the circulars , which he points out must find their way into the hands of teetotallers and non-teetotallers indiscriminately ; he states the case very fairly when he says : " If Bros . A , B , and C , who are not teetotallers , accept the invitation , and each pays his guinea
towards the banquet , will they be denied their ' modest quenchers , ' because an apostle of teetotalism in the person of the W . M . is in the chair , and sundry of his disciples are at the festive board f If they are so denied , the teetotal doctrine is being forced upon them , while , if an exception
is made in their favour , and the wine is forthcoming , then the temperance—that is , teetotal—principles , about which all this fuss is being made , are being lost sight of . Tho Lodge will be like any other Masonic Lodge , the members of which , and the visitors to which , are at liberty to
drink wine or not , as it suits them . " There is no escaping from the horns of this dilemma , nor , we may add , is he a whit less effective when he points out that the charge of a guinea per head for a " temperance " banquet is a very remarkable illustration of "intemperate" expenditure .
He sums up his case in a manner void of all offence , yet very forcibly . " The proceedings in connection with the Wolseley Lodge have been , in my humble judgment , a mistake throughout . It was tantamount to casting a slight on the Craft , when it was announced as a Temperance
Lodge , as though temperance were a virtue unknown to or unrespected by Masons . It was a great mistake to puff far and wide the association of Lord Wolseley ' s name with the Lodge ; I do not wish to suggest anything un-Masonic , but censorious people might say it was done to make
capital—I do not mean , of course , pecuniary capital—out of the connection ; but the crowning mistake of all is the issue of this circular of invitation , as though the Lodge were trading for outside encouragement of its so-called ' temperance' principles . "
We can see no objection to the establishment of one or more teetotal Lodges—should we visit one , however , we shall hope to have our views about what constitutes temperance respected , and to see the modest glass of ale or wine forthcoming , when needed . There are already several
class Lodges , and one more or less can make no difference . But even though , to use a familiar expression , we may be crying out before we are hurt , we must strenuously protest against the establishment of any class Lodge , if there is the sli ghtest chance of its being made a means for the
dissemination of its peculiar cla ? s ideas . The essential principle of Freemasonry is freedom . The discussion of religious and political questions is forbidden at our meetings , but a Mason must have in him enough of political feeling to compel respect for the established laws and institutions of the
eountry to which he belongs or in which he is residing . He must likewise be impressed with just so much of the reli gious sense as to recognise the existence of a Supreme Being and a future state . He is also required to practise and uphold the principles of morality . But the discussion
° f j or any attempt to discuss in any assembly of Masons , what is the most acceptable form of religion , morality , or politics , is forbidden , and the members of the Wolseley ; Lod ge , however enthusiastic as teetotalers , will have to I bear this in mind in the conduct of their Lodge .
Ad00302
JFUNEBALS .-Bros . W . K . L . & G . A . HTJTTON , Coffin takers and Undertakers , 17 Newcastle Street , Strand , W . C . * ad 30 Forest Hill Boad , Peckham Bye , S . E .
Joan Of Arc. Conflicting Testimony About Her Having Been Burnt.
JOAN OF ARC . CONFLICTING TESTIMONY ABOUT HER HAVING BEEN BURNT .
BY BRO . JACOB NORTON .
ON one side , hundreds of historians and historical writers inform ns that Joan of Aro was burnt in 1431 . Even the eighth edition of the " Encyclopaedia Britannica" and Appleton ' s new " Enoyolopaedia " do not intimate the existence of a doubt about it . On the other hand , I find the following in Brewer ' s " Dictionary of Phrase and Fable " : — M . Octavo Delepiorre has published a pamphlet called " Doute
Historique , " to deny the tradition that . Joan of Aro was burnt at Roueu for sorcery . Ho cites a document discovered by Father Vignier , in the seventeenth century , in the archives of Metz , to prove that she became the wife of Sienr des Armoise , with whom she resided at Metz , and became the mother of a family . Vignier found in the muniment chest the contract of marriage between " Robert
des Armoise , knight , and Jeanne D'Aroy , surnamed the Maid of Orleans . " In 1740 there were were found in the archives of Maison de Ville ( Orleans ) , records of several payments to certain messeugers from Joan to her Brother John , bearing dates 1435 and 1436 . There is also an entry of a presentation from the council of the city to the maid , for her services at the siege ( date 1439 ) . M . Delepierre
brought forward a host of other documents to corroborate tbe same fact , and show that the tale of her martyrdom was invented to throw odium on the English . Aa neither the original documents above referred to , nov Delepierre's pamphlet , were accessible to me , and I could not , therefore , know what " the host of other documents" amounted to , I
looked , therefore , into the latest edition of Chambers ( Edinburgh ) " Enoyclopsedia , " wherein I found both versions—viz ., that Joan was and was not burnt ; the latter version winds up with references to the following works : " See Quicherat ' s " Condemnation et Reha ~ bilitation de Jeanne d'Arc" ( 1850 ) , Delepierre ' s " Doute Histongue " ( 1855 ) , Wallon ' s " Jeanne d'Arc" ( 1867 ) , and Molandon ' s "Premiere
Expedition de J . " ( 1874 ) . In Knight's English " Enoyolopaedia " ( article Aro ) both sides are also given . It is more fall and exhaustive than in Chambers ' . It refers to a work by Ohaussard , which enumerates upwards of four hundred works , either expressly devoted to Joan's life , or inoluding her history j and it adds : In Shakespeare's Henry VI . we find the proper English view of her character , mingled with a higher estimate
than belongs to the chronicles of the period . " With upwards of four hundred authorities affirming that she was burnt , and Shakespeare ' s in the bargain , it is no wonder that the writers for the above-named Encyclopaedias did not dare to commit themselves to either side of the question , and thus left us in doubt about it . I have , however , found an old authority , not mentioned or referred to in the abovenamed works , whioh I think will confirm the statement of Delepierre that Joan of Arc was not burnt .
Every one at all familiar with Montaigne s " Essays " must admit that the author was well acquainted with classical , ecclesiastioal and mediaeval literature and history . Joan of Arc is said to have been burnt in 1431 . Montaigne was bora in 1533 . He acquired a love of reading when he was seven years old . One so predisposed , we may naturally assume , was acquainted with the history of his own
country when he was twenty years of age , or at least ho must have been familiar with an event which took place in 1431—only one hundred and twenty-two years previous . I say only , because it is not impossible that men were then living whose grandfathers may have remembered Joan of Aro , for instance . My own grandfather told me that he remembered the Gordon riots in London , in 1780 ,
and he must have been then at least twenty-five years of age . About thirty-five years ago I was introduced to Mr . Henry Purkitt , who , at the age of seventeen , took part in throwing the tea overboard in Boston harbour in 1773 . The period of a hundred and twentytwo years can therefore be bridged over , as it were , by two or three individuals . The traditions and history of such a person as Joan of
Aro , who saved France from subjection to a foreign yoke , could not have been obliterated , or very muoh altered in France itself , within a period of a hundred and two years . If Joan had been burnt Montaigne wonld surely have been acquainted with the faofc . In 1580 Montaigne travelled through France , Switzerland , Germany and Italy , visiting especially those localities which were
connected with historic events . In every place he came to he diligently questioned the innkeeper , the priest , the schoolmaster , & c , about the antiquities that might be found in the neighbourhood , snoh as old churches , old ruins , old monuments , old inscription , & o ., also about the floating legends and traditions thereabout ; and all that he heard or saw he carefully recorded in his diary . Judging
from Montaigne's writings , he must be regarded as a faithful narrator . I cannot , therefore , believe him guilty of inventing fiction , or of omitting facts . * Besides , I can conceive no possible motive for his doing either in the case of Joan of Aro . Now , among other places , Montaigne visited the birthplace of Joan , wherein her
memory was cherished , and legends abont her must have abounded . Had the story of her tragic end been trne , it wonld have been known to the people of her birthplace , and Montaigne , if he had not previously known it , would have learned it there . The following extract from Montaigne's diary will , however , show just what he knew about Joan of Arc : —
Domremy , on the Meuse , three leagues from Vancouleur , where was born the famous Maid of Orleans , whose name was Joan d'Acq , or de Arois . Her descendants were ennobled by the royal favour , and we were shown the arms which the king gave them . Azuye , a
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software.
The Wolseley Lodge And " Temperance."
the precise object with which it was issued ; nevertheless , they will bear examination . In the first place , he argues there is nothing unusual about the consecration of a new Lodge , that is to say , nothing so unusual as to induce outside brethren to contribute , as in this instance , a
guinea each towards the banquet , and incur the expenses of travelling to and from Manchester in order to witness it . Then he suggests that , as the Wolseley Lodge is to be conducted on " Temperance , " by which he supposes is meant " Teetotal , " principles , perhaps its W . M . Designate
may be " desirous of making the Consecration of his new Lodge an occasion for disseminating ' teetotal principles , ' " and he adds , " If this is the idea which led to the issue of these circulars , I can only say it is distinctly opposed to the spirit of Freemasonry , which absolutely prohibits our
Lodges from being made arenas for the discussion of political and religious questions . " We think our readers will agree with us that no reasonable exception can bo taken to this line of argument . If his conjecture falls through , the argument based on it disappears likewise ; but if the former can be established , the latter follows .
Again , as to the issue of the circulars , which he points out must find their way into the hands of teetotallers and non-teetotallers indiscriminately ; he states the case very fairly when he says : " If Bros . A , B , and C , who are not teetotallers , accept the invitation , and each pays his guinea
towards the banquet , will they be denied their ' modest quenchers , ' because an apostle of teetotalism in the person of the W . M . is in the chair , and sundry of his disciples are at the festive board f If they are so denied , the teetotal doctrine is being forced upon them , while , if an exception
is made in their favour , and the wine is forthcoming , then the temperance—that is , teetotal—principles , about which all this fuss is being made , are being lost sight of . Tho Lodge will be like any other Masonic Lodge , the members of which , and the visitors to which , are at liberty to
drink wine or not , as it suits them . " There is no escaping from the horns of this dilemma , nor , we may add , is he a whit less effective when he points out that the charge of a guinea per head for a " temperance " banquet is a very remarkable illustration of "intemperate" expenditure .
He sums up his case in a manner void of all offence , yet very forcibly . " The proceedings in connection with the Wolseley Lodge have been , in my humble judgment , a mistake throughout . It was tantamount to casting a slight on the Craft , when it was announced as a Temperance
Lodge , as though temperance were a virtue unknown to or unrespected by Masons . It was a great mistake to puff far and wide the association of Lord Wolseley ' s name with the Lodge ; I do not wish to suggest anything un-Masonic , but censorious people might say it was done to make
capital—I do not mean , of course , pecuniary capital—out of the connection ; but the crowning mistake of all is the issue of this circular of invitation , as though the Lodge were trading for outside encouragement of its so-called ' temperance' principles . "
We can see no objection to the establishment of one or more teetotal Lodges—should we visit one , however , we shall hope to have our views about what constitutes temperance respected , and to see the modest glass of ale or wine forthcoming , when needed . There are already several
class Lodges , and one more or less can make no difference . But even though , to use a familiar expression , we may be crying out before we are hurt , we must strenuously protest against the establishment of any class Lodge , if there is the sli ghtest chance of its being made a means for the
dissemination of its peculiar cla ? s ideas . The essential principle of Freemasonry is freedom . The discussion of religious and political questions is forbidden at our meetings , but a Mason must have in him enough of political feeling to compel respect for the established laws and institutions of the
eountry to which he belongs or in which he is residing . He must likewise be impressed with just so much of the reli gious sense as to recognise the existence of a Supreme Being and a future state . He is also required to practise and uphold the principles of morality . But the discussion
° f j or any attempt to discuss in any assembly of Masons , what is the most acceptable form of religion , morality , or politics , is forbidden , and the members of the Wolseley ; Lod ge , however enthusiastic as teetotalers , will have to I bear this in mind in the conduct of their Lodge .
Ad00302
JFUNEBALS .-Bros . W . K . L . & G . A . HTJTTON , Coffin takers and Undertakers , 17 Newcastle Street , Strand , W . C . * ad 30 Forest Hill Boad , Peckham Bye , S . E .
Joan Of Arc. Conflicting Testimony About Her Having Been Burnt.
JOAN OF ARC . CONFLICTING TESTIMONY ABOUT HER HAVING BEEN BURNT .
BY BRO . JACOB NORTON .
ON one side , hundreds of historians and historical writers inform ns that Joan of Aro was burnt in 1431 . Even the eighth edition of the " Encyclopaedia Britannica" and Appleton ' s new " Enoyolopaedia " do not intimate the existence of a doubt about it . On the other hand , I find the following in Brewer ' s " Dictionary of Phrase and Fable " : — M . Octavo Delepiorre has published a pamphlet called " Doute
Historique , " to deny the tradition that . Joan of Aro was burnt at Roueu for sorcery . Ho cites a document discovered by Father Vignier , in the seventeenth century , in the archives of Metz , to prove that she became the wife of Sienr des Armoise , with whom she resided at Metz , and became the mother of a family . Vignier found in the muniment chest the contract of marriage between " Robert
des Armoise , knight , and Jeanne D'Aroy , surnamed the Maid of Orleans . " In 1740 there were were found in the archives of Maison de Ville ( Orleans ) , records of several payments to certain messeugers from Joan to her Brother John , bearing dates 1435 and 1436 . There is also an entry of a presentation from the council of the city to the maid , for her services at the siege ( date 1439 ) . M . Delepierre
brought forward a host of other documents to corroborate tbe same fact , and show that the tale of her martyrdom was invented to throw odium on the English . Aa neither the original documents above referred to , nov Delepierre's pamphlet , were accessible to me , and I could not , therefore , know what " the host of other documents" amounted to , I
looked , therefore , into the latest edition of Chambers ( Edinburgh ) " Enoyclopsedia , " wherein I found both versions—viz ., that Joan was and was not burnt ; the latter version winds up with references to the following works : " See Quicherat ' s " Condemnation et Reha ~ bilitation de Jeanne d'Arc" ( 1850 ) , Delepierre ' s " Doute Histongue " ( 1855 ) , Wallon ' s " Jeanne d'Arc" ( 1867 ) , and Molandon ' s "Premiere
Expedition de J . " ( 1874 ) . In Knight's English " Enoyolopaedia " ( article Aro ) both sides are also given . It is more fall and exhaustive than in Chambers ' . It refers to a work by Ohaussard , which enumerates upwards of four hundred works , either expressly devoted to Joan's life , or inoluding her history j and it adds : In Shakespeare's Henry VI . we find the proper English view of her character , mingled with a higher estimate
than belongs to the chronicles of the period . " With upwards of four hundred authorities affirming that she was burnt , and Shakespeare ' s in the bargain , it is no wonder that the writers for the above-named Encyclopaedias did not dare to commit themselves to either side of the question , and thus left us in doubt about it . I have , however , found an old authority , not mentioned or referred to in the abovenamed works , whioh I think will confirm the statement of Delepierre that Joan of Arc was not burnt .
Every one at all familiar with Montaigne s " Essays " must admit that the author was well acquainted with classical , ecclesiastioal and mediaeval literature and history . Joan of Arc is said to have been burnt in 1431 . Montaigne was bora in 1533 . He acquired a love of reading when he was seven years old . One so predisposed , we may naturally assume , was acquainted with the history of his own
country when he was twenty years of age , or at least ho must have been familiar with an event which took place in 1431—only one hundred and twenty-two years previous . I say only , because it is not impossible that men were then living whose grandfathers may have remembered Joan of Aro , for instance . My own grandfather told me that he remembered the Gordon riots in London , in 1780 ,
and he must have been then at least twenty-five years of age . About thirty-five years ago I was introduced to Mr . Henry Purkitt , who , at the age of seventeen , took part in throwing the tea overboard in Boston harbour in 1773 . The period of a hundred and twentytwo years can therefore be bridged over , as it were , by two or three individuals . The traditions and history of such a person as Joan of
Aro , who saved France from subjection to a foreign yoke , could not have been obliterated , or very muoh altered in France itself , within a period of a hundred and two years . If Joan had been burnt Montaigne wonld surely have been acquainted with the faofc . In 1580 Montaigne travelled through France , Switzerland , Germany and Italy , visiting especially those localities which were
connected with historic events . In every place he came to he diligently questioned the innkeeper , the priest , the schoolmaster , & c , about the antiquities that might be found in the neighbourhood , snoh as old churches , old ruins , old monuments , old inscription , & o ., also about the floating legends and traditions thereabout ; and all that he heard or saw he carefully recorded in his diary . Judging
from Montaigne's writings , he must be regarded as a faithful narrator . I cannot , therefore , believe him guilty of inventing fiction , or of omitting facts . * Besides , I can conceive no possible motive for his doing either in the case of Joan of Aro . Now , among other places , Montaigne visited the birthplace of Joan , wherein her
memory was cherished , and legends abont her must have abounded . Had the story of her tragic end been trne , it wonld have been known to the people of her birthplace , and Montaigne , if he had not previously known it , would have learned it there . The following extract from Montaigne's diary will , however , show just what he knew about Joan of Arc : —
Domremy , on the Meuse , three leagues from Vancouleur , where was born the famous Maid of Orleans , whose name was Joan d'Acq , or de Arois . Her descendants were ennobled by the royal favour , and we were shown the arms which the king gave them . Azuye , a